By Lara Kajs
Thinking Out Loud
This article examines the systematic erosion of women’s rights in Afghanistan following the Taliban’s return to power in 2021. Drawing on humanitarian reporting and the author’s direct experience working in the country, it highlights the political, religious, and humanitarian dimensions of what many human rights advocates now describe as gender apartheid.
Females make up half the population of Afghanistan—yet under Taliban rule, women and girls today live with fewer freedoms than animals.
In the United States, election cycles often bring debates over women’s rights—particularly reproductive rights. But imagine if the ballot also determined whether women could attend school, hold a job, move freely in society, or even speak publicly. Imagine if women could not gather with friends in public spaces, participate in civic life, or choose whether to marry.
For women and girls in Afghanistan, those are not hypothetical questions. They are daily realities.
During the United Nations General Assembly last month, actress Meryl Streep illustrated the stark reality Afghan women face. A cat, she noted, can sit in the sun. A squirrel can run freely through a park. A bird can sing from a branch. Yet women in Afghanistan cannot show their faces in public, girls cannot play in parks or attend school, and women are forbidden from singing or socializing freely.
Even beauty salons—once among the few spaces where women could gather safely—have been closed. In today’s Afghanistan, animals enjoy more freedom of movement than the country’s female population.
Misrepresenting Islam
It is important to understand that the Taliban’s policies do not reflect the teachings of Islam.
The Quran affirms the dignity and equality of men and women before God. Islamic tradition supports women’s rights to education, participation in society, and leadership roles. Women historically served as scholars, business leaders, and advisors within Muslim societies.
The repression occurring in Afghanistan today is not a religious mandate—it is a political choice imposed by an extremist regime.
Forced Into Silence
Women and girls make up more than half of Afghanistan’s population. For two decades prior to the Taliban’s return to power, Afghan women made extraordinary gains. They attended schools and universities, built professional careers, served in government, and helped shape the country’s future.
In the 2004 Afghan presidential election, women accounted for 41 percent of voters—a significant milestone in the country’s democratic development.
The turning point came with the U.S.–Taliban agreement signed in Doha in February 2020. Negotiated during the Trump administration, the deal outlined the withdrawal of U.S. and NATO forces from Afghanistan in exchange for Taliban commitments related to security and negotiations with the Afghan government.
However, the agreement excluded the Afghan government from the negotiations, weakening the legitimacy of the process. When the U.S. withdrawal was completed in August 2021, the Taliban rapidly seized Kabul and collapsed the Afghan government far faster than most military and intelligence analysts predicted.
Since returning to power, the Taliban has issued more than 100 decrees restricting women’s rights.
Women have been banned from secondary and university education, barred from most employment, and prohibited from working for NGOs and even the United Nations. Women cannot travel freely without male guardians, and public participation by women has been effectively erased.
Human rights advocates increasingly describe this system as gender apartheid.
Women and girls make up more than half of Afghanistan’s population. For two decades prior to the Taliban’s return to power, Afghan women made extraordinary gains. They attended schools and universities, built professional careers, served in government, and helped shape the country’s future.
Dialogue, Sanctions, and Restoring Rights
The international community still has tools to influence conditions in Afghanistan.
The Taliban seeks legitimacy as the country’s governing authority. It also seeks international recognition and financial assistance. Those ambitions create leverage.
Targeted sanctions and diplomatic engagement could tie international funding to measurable improvements in women’s rights. Access to development funds or diplomatic engagement should be contingent upon clear benchmarks: reopening schools for girls, restoring women’s employment, and allowing women to participate in public life.
The UN Security Council should articulate these expectations explicitly rather than relying on vague language. Clear conditions would establish accountability while maintaining humanitarian support for the Afghan people.
The humanitarian situation in Afghanistan is severe. More than 20 million people require humanitarian assistance, and 15.8 million face acute food insecurity. A widespread water crisis and limited access to health care continue to exacerbate suffering. Natural disasters, including major earthquakes in recent years, have compounded the country’s challenges, leaving millions displaced and vulnerable.
Afghanistan cannot rebuild its economy or its institutions while excluding half its population.
Standing Strong with Afghan Women and Girls
My team worked in Afghanistan beginning in April 2021, investigating human rights violations against women and girls. Some members of my team remain there today.
Three years ago, I was shot by a Taliban member while conducting this work. That moment could have ended my life. Instead, it reinforced my commitment to speaking out.
I may no longer work inside Afghanistan, but I have not abandoned Afghan women and girls. I have been given a platform to advocate for human rights, and I intend to use it. No bullet from the Taliban will ever silence that commitment.
Photo Credit: March for Freedom for Afghan Women and Girls by Garry Knight. Licensed with CCO 1.0
Published 18 October 2024
About Thinking Out Loud
Thinking Out Loud is a commentary series by Lara Kajs examining international law, humanitarian crises, and the prevention of mass atrocities. Drawing on field experience in conflict and displacement settings, the column explores the legal and policy challenges that shape contemporary conflicts
Lara Kajs is the founder and executive director of The Genocide Report, a Washington, DC-based educational nonprofit focused on atrocity prevention and international law. She is the author of several field-based books on conflict, displacement, humanitarian crises, and international humanitarian law, drawing on extensive research and field experience in Yemen, Syria, and Afghanistan. Her writing and public speaking focus on atrocity crimes, forced displacement, the protection of civilians, and the legal frameworks governing armed conflict.